Pensions for a national event and a referendum Our country is now engaged in a vicious circle. A financial and economic crisis, whose effects are still felt throbbing, plus a social crisis and a political crisis that feed one another. Social crisis: it is now obvious, the pension reform the government and the President of the Republic are trying to push through is rejected by an overwhelming majority of French people, all generations and all media. The social movement does not crumble like the UMP hoped - quite the contrary, it grows in strength even as the pace of events accelerated. Crisis political atmosphere prevails as an end of reign, with a president whose word no longer carries a majority shaken by divisions less camouflaged, government and exhausted, worn out by the business and internal conflict repeatedly.
In a nutshell, is the Sarkozyism breathless. It is no longer Nicolas Sarkozy, who sets the media agenda and the country's political method of incessant race reform reform controversy in controversy, does not work, and reality has finally caught up to the president that the war Motion was so far so well. Sarkozyism idles, and as the author knows perfectly well that he is fully aware of the symbolic nature of this pension reform, we feel ready to engage in a tussle all, looking like last appeal with the social movement. And since it is somehow the last five-year phase - and thus the 2012 presidential election - which is played here, it is certain that the government and the Elysee will stop at nothing to win this round capital. The fixed line is twofold; hold until after the reform, whatever the cost, to ensure that the mobilization popular, since it does not seem to wane, splits, turns evil, slips, and that the media can provide images of violent clashes between police and protesters, the thugs of the party mix, producing in turn a sense rejection and reaction of public opinion against the disorder. That seeks to avoid the right is the spectrum of this looming inexorably, namely the junction of mass protests and a general strike paralyzing the country. Syndrome May 13, 1968.
must give an outlet to the political mobilization to avoid precisely that it does not make radical and, ultimately, the game right. Now there is an obvious tool, I stand with others for several months: the organization of a referendum on pensions. We are told that it is a way too frustrating to respond to a very complex problem. I think instead it may be a simple and clear: just one question - "Do you support pension reform supported by Nicolas Sarkozy? . This is not to define another reform through a referendum, but to translate conclusively rejected that raises the current reform bill, the refusal of the postponement of the legal age of retirement, and thus pave the way for further negotiations, conducted this time without ulterior motives or ideological edicts. To make this possible referendum that categorically refuses for the moment - of course - the right, I'm also in favor of a great national event, Sunday in Paris, which would take a further step to mobilization. Just dig a little into us to see that many memories of great victories of the Left and social movements - in defense of secular education, against the CPE ... - were obtained through a national event.
I would like to say a word about the controversy that I see up in the media and even left on the respective roles of political parties 'government' and demonstrators. I have said repeatedly over the past two years: the Socialist Party is not a party of demonstrators, but the social movement mobilization in the streets, setting in motion the civil society are also part of its heritage and its role, undoubtedly. We should harbor any complex in this regard. And as I was able to declare in a release date, I accept fully that a political leader advises young to take matters into their own hands - especially when you see what is right for them, c is to say not much, much less.
Julien Dray
