strange fall. On the one hand, a presidency of the republic in the grip of a spectacular falling out, but goes into force to impose a step by step program completely geared towards the 2012 deadline. The other, an opposition widely supported by public opinion for his action, precisely, opposition, but can not use this foundation to formulate an alternative. Even as the country - well beyond the left one - is more in demand than ever for a break, one that was promised in 2007, yet one that has been proclaimed in horns and shouting at the financial crisis - "never again, the banksters , wild speculation, the economy financialized running on empty! "- And he is now a clear will in no case come from the majority in power. The conflict
pensions illustrates this funny battle between a presidency radicalized, more obsessed with the cabinet reshuffle by the public good, and an opposition that gives the feeling of not believing in its (potential) force, or Learn how to use it. The final adoption of legislation was due to the protest movement: the decision by the Inter a continuation of it in a "multifaceted, decentralized " unmistakable person, it is a funeral and a stampede that is, the more encouraging results than dissatisfaction with the injustice of the reform crossed all media and even political boundaries.
I watched this scenario happen unfortunately predictable. I have long hesitated to express my doubts about the conduct of events, because I understand that the unity of the opposition is essential to a straight face that she knows her silence dissent and is stored in order behind his chief interests when the shop - of class - Are in. But what I sensed and feared finally happened. What could be the first leg of the victorious 2012 presidential election has turned to the advantage of the president, despite his personal unpopularity. What happens today will weigh heavily for the next 18 months. Hence the need to sound the alarm. I keep in my mind the experience of the 2007 presidential election, leaning on her to victory over the CPE, election already "captive" to a straight face that it was said demonetized and weakened by setbacks election. Captive so that the left would rather focus on the question of its candidate on the development of an alternative program. Any resemblance to the current situation and real people is unfortunately not coincidental. What lessons can be drawn precisely to this?
For once, the bargaining unit has held good, certainly. But the strategy of regular events and monotonous, with no attempt to organize their growing power, failed to materialize and catalyze the full extent of the discontent seething yet in France. It ultimately did not attend parades of magnitude history, and while the reform project, and the magnitude of its release were. It was merely a battle of numbers turning to the absurd with police and journalists. It was defended on the side of TF or SUD, the mythology of the general strike as the only prospect of strengthening the movement in a time of economic fragility and social workers, unable to forego critical days' wages. There was yet another way to amplify the movement: organizing, as I have repeatedly proposed a great national event, like every time we won a great victory in recent social years. The CGT refused this perspective, arguing in particular the high financial cost of such an undertaking. I think for myself rather than with the logistic support of opposition parties, we could easily organize the event, which might have changed the course of the movement, and which would, at least, to leave the battle on a show of force millions of demonstrators in Paris. In a fight like this, the feeling of the deployed force, the memory that we will keep is fundamental and structuring for future battles. A national demonstration on Sunday, making the front page of all the press on Monday morning - "a human tide in Paris against the pension reform "- would have a lasting impression on the minds and served to everyone that this was only a first step, a first run. Without such a symbol today, the movement is slowly unraveling, and part of it, no doubt, harden and turn against the union leaders held responsible for the failure.
Perhaps the movement would it have been stronger, more credible if there had been in the view perspective of a real-cons political project. Such cons draft was supported by the PS since the spring, well balanced between defense of the possibility of starting at age 60, financial incentives to work longer hours, increase contributions and individual account. But the feeling has gradually that this wealth of proposals was more the result of a compromise internal party as a perfectly clear vision of the future of pensions. Under pressure from the far left and ease of slogans, it was very empty this project reduced only to the defense of retirement at age 60, pushing the issue under the carpet in the number of installments required for full pension . The resulting ambiguity has been the fate of all ambiguities, that is to say the explosion in flight; explosion at the worst time of social conflict, with a debate between a caricature "right wing" and a "left wing" of the PS, thriving on the areas of shadows and implied the original draft.
This conflict suddenly risen between "left PS" and "PS right" is not an accident, since the same terms are now flourishing in the internal party debate on "equality". It is the manifestation of a structural problem. For a while it looked as two spells - the PS is return street , PS works - could take place of synthesis and internal unity. But at the end of the street after work, or it is able to formulate a new vision of society, or it clings to alloys proposals certainly interesting, but no real big picture, and then the old divisions may resurface, even strengthened. Without clarity in the general guidelines, it clings to a compromise in the form of self-service, where everyone picks what suits him and pretended, at the time, not having seen what bothers him. What is not tenable long on pensions as the " equality ". We had a sad example in recent days, ending with comrades by throwing himself to the figure of anathemas that we had heard since a long time - "rightist," "unrealistic," "irresponsible," "conservative" - re-enacting an ancient conflict between social democrats and left of the left, it was hoped that buried the last century. It is the continued lack of a clear identity of the left in general and socialism in particular regression that generates this: when we no longer know very well that we defend, what we want to do, and with What priorities, if you do not really know who you are, then everyone takes refuge in what is left: the postures, the old symbols, old divisions, like that between reformists and revolutionaries. Old anthem more vain as the severity and uniqueness of the social situation and budget of our country makes absolutely no effect. If the accumulation of abstract promises, regardless of their feasibility is not a solution, Orthodoxy and 'realism' budget, experienced as an inevitability, not a program. The state of France as we recover - perhaps - in 2012 require a dual approach, inventive on funding, detonating on the proposals. Obama to avoid the syndrome - high hopes raised, then large electoral setbacks - it will be capable of causing a shock and a rapid change, in addition to the inevitable working long and medium term. A presidential
did not win, as some secretly hope, a rejection, but always on a project. The Socialists are still far away, and the next few months will be crucial to make sense, a vision, a hope left, just. The best applications that will only be agitated in a vacuum if they do not impose the idea that another policy is really possible. Especially since we should not delude ourselves about the extent of the deposit on which it is hoped to build. The reshuffle opens, everyone will understand, the last phase of the presidential term of Nicolas Sarkozy, devoted solely to his reelection. Unlike the analysis agreed heard since the weekend, the president was well out of this sequence announced a long time and repeatedly delayed, retaining a prime minister and popular consensus in his camp, presents the order of battle around him and closed the turbulent Chirac's without too much damage the complicated sequence of the case Woerth and pension reform. The core of his future campaign is now in place and will contrive, in the coming months, to reassure and secure the heart of his electorate right.
Julien Dray
